{"id":2849,"date":"2021-11-19T22:20:39","date_gmt":"2021-11-19T16:35:39","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/livedang.com\/?p=2849"},"modified":"2021-11-19T22:20:39","modified_gmt":"2021-11-19T16:35:39","slug":"the-political-context-of-tharuhat-movement","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/livedang.com\/?p=2849","title":{"rendered":"The political Context of Tharuhat Movement"},"content":{"rendered":"

Introduction <\/u><\/strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>Historical Context<\/strong><\/p>\n

Thaus are historically cheated by state programmes and policies. There are few historical events which made them constantly from landlord to poor of the poorest. The King Mahendra collapsed the elected government of Nepal and held the state power himself in 1960. He initiated some important work for the name of development in his initial ruling period. The firstly he endorsed the land Reform Act 1964 under the Land reform program and started to land registration tax collection, the secondly he lunched the malaria eradication program in the entire Terai of Nepal and thirdly he released the East-West Highway(Mahendra High Way) in Nepal. After the\u00a0unification of Nepal\u00a0in the late 18th century, members of the ruling families received land grants in the\u00a0Terai<\/a>\u00a0and were entitled to collect revenue from those who cultivated the land. Tharu people became\u00a0bonded labourers<\/a>, a system also known as\u00a0Kamaiya<\/a>.\u00a0In 1854,\u00a0Jung Bahadur Rana<\/a>\u00a0enforced the so-called\u00a0Muluki Ain<\/em>, a General Code, in which both Hindu and non-Hindu\u00a0castes<\/a>\u00a0were classified based on their habits of food and drink.\u00a0Tharu people were categorized as “Paani Chalne Masinya Matwali” (touchable enslavable alcohol drinking group) together with several other ethnic minorities.<\/p>\n

In the late 1950s, the\u00a0World Health Organization<\/a>\u00a0supported the Nepalese government in eradicating\u00a0malaria<\/a>\u00a0in the forests of the central Terai.\u00a0Following the malaria eradication program using\u00a0DDT<\/a>\u00a0in the 1960s, a large and heterogeneous non-Tharu population from the Nepali hills,\u00a0Bhutan<\/a>,\u00a0Sikkim<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0India<\/a>\u00a0settled in the region.\u00a0In the western Terai, many Tharu families lost the land, which they used to cultivate, to these immigrants and were forced to work as Kamaiya. When the first protected areas were established in Chitwan, Tharu communities were forced to relocate from their traditional lands. They were denied any right to own land and thus forced into a situation of landlessness and poverty. When the\u00a0Chitwan National Park<\/a>\u00a0was designated, Nepalese soldiers destroyed the villages located inside the national park, burned down houses, and beat the people who tried to plough their fields.<\/p>\n

Before the success of above mentioned program, Tharus only, were enjoying in their motherland, Dang. Only a few Non-Tharus people use to settle in dang even they stay at Dang temporally because they couldn’t digest the malaria like Tharus. People use to come in Dang in the winter session to sell their herbs (like padamchal, Timmur, Bhake Chuk, Ginger, Tarming etc) and exchange it with food crops. The land was fertile and enough for Tharu people in Dang.Tharus used to plough land as per their choice. They used to say land is gift of God and no one has right to it’s ownership. They only used to serve the dry fishes to the Royal Palace as a ‘Walak’.<\/p>\n

Malaria eradication program had been launched in Nepal in the nationwide basis since 1964, after that Terai become the healthier, attractive and accessible place for the hill people. Hill Tarai migrations became the trend. The indigenous Tharu people of Dang were forcefully displaced from their original place. Their rights on land, water and forest were snatched. They become landless and bonded labors. Not only did they lose their territory but also they lost their own Tharu language, culture, Religion (Pantheism) and arts. According to Mahes Chaudhary \u00a0Between the census period of 1961 to 1971. Within ten years interval near about 61000 Tharus were forced to migrate from Dang to outside (Banke, Bardia, Kailali, Kanchanpur and even in Indian U.P. border. The pushing factors were the state policy which made the landless for the name of Land Reform program and due to extreme exploitation of the newcomers over them. The pulling factors to migrate Budhan(Nayamuluk) were the Nepal Government had opened the project of clearing the jungle for new settlement. The propagandas of the policy makers were that anybody could get freely enough land after cleared the jungle. The link of the Mahendra Highway also did vital role to make migration success Tharus were experienced to occupy the jungle, as slogan attracted them they hurriedly migrated to Naya Muluk from Dang. They cleared the jungle, made the new settlements but they still culdn’t get the land entitlements, the land ownership was already had taken by ‘C’ classes Rana’s in the respective areas. Thus the Bhumi putra, Tharus gradually became sharecroppers, Kamaiyas and bounded labours.<\/p>\n

Recognition of the word ‘Kamaiya’<\/strong><\/p>\n

The term Kamaiya <\/em>descends from the dialect of the Tharu <\/em>ethnic group. According to local wisdom, the word ‘Kamaiya’ <\/em>originates from \u2018Kam\u2019<\/em>, which refers to \u2018work\u2019. In a Tharu <\/em>parlance, the term is used as a synonym for hard worker. There is the transparent truth that before the eradication of malaria in the Tarai (pre-1951 period), cultivable lands were abundant and population was relatively small of Tharus.<\/p>\n

According to historical fact, the large influx of hill migrants into the Tarai following the eradication of malaria in the Tarai region, marginalized traditionally landowning Tharu <\/em>people by occupying their lands. The Tharus lost the land-resources they had nurtured to the migrants who used to maintain a close tie with the then power centre of the state. The Tharus <\/em>had no records of the land they were cultivating. Using their political power, the new commers registered the land (the land of Tharus) <\/em>in their name forcing the original masters to work for their newly captured land. According to a Tharu village elder, the Kamaiya <\/em>system developed from a customary practice of obtaining a “helping hand for family business” that was gradually replaced by a \u2018patron-client\u2019 relationship as state-led land grants were intensified. This is how inequality became structured, with one person as the Jamindar <\/em>and the other as Kamaiya <\/em>bonded labourer. Gradually the social relations of production and reproduction helped develop the Kamaiya <\/em>system.<\/p>\n

Thus the system has evolved through landowner and agricultural workers relations which had been induced by state interventions on land ownership. That the Kamaiya <\/em>system has a long history is no doubt, and it was not only limited to the Pahari (<\/em>hill migrants)-Tharu <\/em>socio-economic relationships developed after malaria eradication. The system instead had the legacy of various forms of forced labour systems that existed since the 17th<\/sup> century and remained in the patron-client relationship as the Kamaiya <\/em>system in western Tarai of Nepal. It may also be the case, as researchers argue, that the degree and forms of exploitation of Kamaiyas <\/em>might have worsened after the eradication of malaria and the influx of pahari <\/em>in the Tarai increased.<\/p>\n

Family position of Tharus<\/strong><\/p>\n

Tharu were originally the farmers. There was a marked division of labour within the Tharu family<\/em>, determined by a combination of traditional family relationships, production demands and the reproduction systems in western Nepal. The following table presents the nature of work and division of labour within the traditional Tharu faimily<\/em>.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n
Age\/Sex<\/td>\n10\u201312 Yrs.<\/td>\n12-13 Yrs.<\/td>\n14-15 Yrs.<\/td>\n15\u201355 Yrs.<\/td>\n>16 Yrs.<\/td>\n> 55 Years<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Male<\/td>\nChhegrahawa<\/td>\nBardiwa<\/td>\nBhaiswar\/ Gaiwar<\/td>\nKamaiya<\/em><\/td>\nGhardhuriya<\/td>\nChhegrahawa, Bhaiswar<\/p>\n

 <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Female<\/td>\nChhegrinya<\/td>\nBardinya<\/td>\nBhaiswarniya<\/td>\nKamlahri\/ Bukrahi<\/td>\nGhardhurinya<\/td>\n\u00a0Bardinya<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Source: SPACE (2000:13)<\/p>\n

The responsibility of Chhegrahawa <\/em>and Chhegrinya <\/em>was to take care of goats . The role of Bardiwa <\/em>and Bardinya <\/em>is to take care of oxen and Bhaiswar\/Bhaisarniya and Gaiwars <\/em>is to take care of buffalos and cows respectively. Those who were in the ager group of 15-55 are considered fully economically active and called Kamaiya <\/em>in case of male and Bukrahi <\/em>or Kamlahri <\/em>in case of female members<\/em>. The eldest son or daughter (more than 16 years old) was called Ghardhuriya\/Ghardhurinya<\/em>. All the activities within the household of Kamaiyas <\/em>were taken care of under the leadership of Ghardhuriya\/Ghardhurinya. <\/em>The responsibilities of the Kamaiyas <\/em>who were more than 55 years old are the same as the role of children between 10-15 years old.<\/p>\n

After losing the land, the life cycle converted that as young as 5-9 while taking care of masters’ children, who were normally called Ladkakhelaiya<\/em>. As they grow, the assignment continues to change. At ten, they turn to Bhaisarwa <\/em>or Gaiherwa<\/em>. At around 15, they may be given responsibilities of taking care of oxen and other farm responsibilities. The role takes other forms when a Kamaiya <\/em>becomes older, generally more than 50 years, assigned to take care of plants at the homestead and is called Badheruwa<\/em>. Sometimes, older Kamaiyas <\/em>are also assigned to take care of cattle and buffaloes, and are also called Gaiherwa <\/em>and Bhaisherwa. <\/em>Similarly, those older Kamaiyas <\/em>(both males and female) who take care of masters’ children are also called Ladkakhilaiyas<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Women were given different positions according to their work responsibilities. Women involved in household work and other farm works were called Kamlahri<\/em>. Women who were fully involved in agricultural and household work with male partners are called Bukrahi <\/em>and the women who were totally involved in kitchen work are called Organiya<\/em>. Whatever the position and names, all types of female Kamaiyas <\/em>had to be ready for any kind of work their landlords\/masters ask them to do.<\/p>\n

Kamaiya <\/em>children were required to work as animal herders and domestic servants. Female children generally work as domestic servants while male children look after the livestock as animal herders. It was working for the master amounts to appropriate training for children to ensure that they become effective Kamaiyas <\/em>as they grow older. A large proportion of them was unaware of any wage payments system and did not get paid at all. They are not paid either due to debt incurred by the parents, or because their work is appended to the adult family labours or they simply work in exchange of food and clothing. The division of labour among the Kamaiyas <\/em>depended upon the age and sex of the Kamaiyas<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Saunki<\/em>, the debt incurred from the employer, bound Kamaiyas <\/em>and deprived them of basic human freedoms, the freedom of mobility, freedom of choice and the freedom of decision making about their work. Excessive work, low wages, and the requirement of family labourers to be engaged with the same employer constrain the Kamaiyas <\/em>making their exit from the system was impossible. The proportion of indebted Kamaiyas <\/em>had increased substantially along with their average debt. Whatever food and cash crops the Kamaiya <\/em>got as Bigha <\/em>and Masyoura, <\/em>it was not enough for subsistence, let alone any saving to pay back Khawohi (<\/em>small but high-interest loans taken from lenders\/merchants for occasional household starvation). This is how a poverty trap was produced and reproduced under the Kamaiya <\/em>system.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Need and Compulsion for Tharuhat Movement<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>Hamar Khetwa Hamar Khenwa Andolan<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>In April 1951, Kamaiyas <\/em>of Bardiya decided to initiate a collective action to capture Khetwa <\/em>and Khenwa <\/em>(land and barn) from Beluwa, a village of Bardiya district situated in Manpur Tapara VDC. The Beluwa Movement is the first known movement in the history of Kamaiya <\/em>emancipation movement developed from \u2018within\u2019 to collectively fight against the oppression of landlords.<\/p>\n

The poor people were motivated by the wider “land to the tiller” slogan of the 1950s democratic movement. Hence, soon after the political change, Kamaiyas <\/em>of 11 VDCs of Rajapur areas of Bardiya came together and decided to claim their land rights and ownership over the recently harvested paddy. Approximately 1,300 Tharu Kamaiyas, <\/em>including women and children, came together at the Beluwa village and moved towards the paddy barn of Mallha Rajwa <\/em>(locally known as the second king), Mr. Bidur Narsingh Rana.<\/p>\n

The main objective of the action was to claim Trikur Bataiya <\/em>(one third of the product of rice) against the labour contribution they made for the cultivation of rice. Once landlords refused to accept their demand, on 27 April 1951 Kamaiyas <\/em>captured the paddy barn and started to fill baskets and sacks at about 4 pm. As soon as they started to fill baskets and sacks, the police force led by chief of local police Khadga Bahadur Giri opened fire at the crowd of Kamaiyas <\/em>killing Mrs. Koili Tharuni, Mr. Pati Ram Tharu, Mr. Laxmi Prasad Tharu, Mr. Dibuwa Tharu, Mr. Chapu Tharu and Solaria Tharu.<\/p>\n

The Kamaiyas <\/em>were made to surrender before the armed police and were forced to return back to serve their masters. The government provided security to the landlord in fear of Kamaiya <\/em>reprisal. Some of the leaders of this movement started to work again as Kamaiyas <\/em>with the same landlords immediately after the incident. This is because they did not have any other alternative for their livelihood and they did not have any support from outside.<\/p>\n

Srikaina \u00a0Kabja Andolan<\/strong><\/p>\n

In an effort to get rid of the Kamaiyas <\/em>system some time in 1980, 1300 Kamaiya <\/em>families of various villages of Bardiya district organised under the leadership of Jangali Tharu <\/em>and settled in Machad village of Dhodari VDC of Bardiya district leaving landlords’ farms and declaring that they were freed from bondage. After two and half years, they decided to move to Srikaina, a village in Sanoshree VDC of Bardiya, where the government was formally distributing land to the landless people hoping that the government would provide land and entitlements to them as they too were landless. However, as soon as they settled in Srikainda in 1984, the entire village was demolished by the police and forest guards using elephants and bulldozers (SPACE 2000:24). <\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>Dalla Kabja Andolan<\/strong><\/p>\n

In 1985, approximately 200 Kamaiya <\/em>families left landlords’ farms and occupied 300 Bigha <\/em>of public land in Dalla Phanta<\/em>, which is situated in Suryapatuawa VDC of Bardiya, and declared they would no longer accept the Kamaiya<\/em>-landlords relationship. But, this too ended up against them and their interest. Fearing a possibility of huge loss, the landlords formed an alliance with the government authorities to evict the Kamaiyas <\/em>from the public land. In the ensuing government action, the police, landlords and forest guards looted cash and other assets of Kamaiyas. <\/em>They were forced to go back to the same landlords and continue the Kamaiya <\/em>system again.<\/p>\n

Majhara Kabja Andolan<\/strong><\/p>\n

In November 1993, 150 Kamaiya <\/em>families of Majhara village of \u00a0Khairichandanpur VDC in Bardiya district organised and occupied public land. They had also declared that they would fight against the Kamaiya <\/em>system and not work for landlords on Kamaiya <\/em>terms. According to Devi Prasad Ghimire, Chairman Khairichandanpur VDC, local landlords and forest officials manhandled and abused Kamaiyas <\/em>and burnt their houses. They were evicted from Majhara and forced to live on the bank of Geruwa river. During the rainy season of the same year, the flood of the river displaced the Kamaiyas <\/em>again. After the flood, all the Kamaiyas <\/em>took the decision to occupy the Majhara’s public land again for their survival. This time they were much more organised than before and managed to continue to live there and earn their livelihoods from wage work and farming on occupied land.<\/p>\n

Damauli Kabja Andolan<\/strong><\/p>\n

In December 1998, about 500 Kamaiya <\/em>families of Motipur VDC of Bardiya district came together in an organised manner and occupied public land of Damauli village in Motipur. They started farming the occupied land and raising livestock. But the landlords supported by the government (police and forest guards) damaged the houses of Kamaiyas <\/em>by using elephants eventually forcing them to resume their works with the same landlords.<\/p>\n

Manau Andolan<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sometime\u00a0 in February 1988,\u00a0 approximately 200\u00a0 Kamaiya <\/em>families gathered \u00a0in Bagiya\u00a0 <\/em>(mango orchard)\u00a0 in\u00a0 Manau\u00a0 and decided\u00a0 to stop all the\u00a0 work\u00a0 being\u00a0 done\u00a0\u00a0 by Kamaiyas <\/em>until landlords agreed to provide ten sacks of paddy as Masyoura <\/em>and Trikur<\/em>(one third of the Kamaiya <\/em>produced) as Bigha. <\/em>On the third day of their strike, landlords \u2018invited\u2019 all the Kamaiyas <\/em>for negotiation on their demands. When all the Kamaiyas <\/em>were gathered at Bagiya, <\/em>approximately fifty police came forward and started to beat them indiscriminately.<\/p>\n

By the time the Kamaiyas <\/em>realised it was a conspiracy of their \u2018masters\u2019 it was already too late to devise strategies to deal with it. According to victims of the attack, seven of them were seriously injured and twelve of them were taken into police custody including three non-Kamaiya <\/em>supporters of their movement. The collective action of the Kamaiyas <\/em>was however forcd the local landlords to increase the amount of Masyoura <\/em>from nine sacks to ten sacks.<\/p>\n

Kanara Andolan<\/strong><\/p>\n

After the restoration of multi-party democracy in 1990, the above mentioned sporadic and isolated Kamaiya <\/em>movements culminated in the Kanara <\/em>Movement. Kanara <\/em>was a big forest land area on the bank of the Babai River north of Sanoshri VDC in Bardiya district, commonly known as Kanara Phanta<\/em>. In 1967, Chilla Tharu and Man Bahadur Khadka led a group of 148 Tharu <\/em>families and settled in Kanara Phanta<\/em>. In 1968, local landlords supported by state authorities displaced the settlers and Chilla Tharu and some others were arrested and released later on condition that they would leave the Kanara Phanta <\/em>immediately (SPACE 2000:24). All these Kamaiyas <\/em>moved to the Jodhipur village of Baniyabhar VDC of Bardiya and settled illegally on occupied land owned by Zamindar <\/em>Harihar Upadhaya. In 1975, they were again evicted from this land. During the annual visit of the King, the leaders of the Kamaiyas <\/em>submitted a letter of appeal to the King explaining their plight and requesting land entitlements. In 1979, following an order from the King, each Kamaiya <\/em>was given one hectare of land.<\/p>

\n
\n\"\"\n\n\n<\/div>\n\n
\n\"\"\n\n\n\n<\/div>\n
\n\"\"\n\n<\/div>\n<\/div>
<\/div>